Child abuse and neglect Essay Example for Free

Child abuse and neglect Essay INTRODUCTION Child abuse and neglect can produce serious and long-lasting damage. The range of actions classified as child abuse or neglect is constantly changing as a result of social and economic conditions, political ideology, advances in medicine, improvements in communication and melding of cultures. Today, child abuse and neglect is widely recognized as a major social problem and policy issue throughout much of the world. During the last 50 years, the United States and many of the world’s nations have responded to child abuse and neglect with legislative efforts, a variety of programs and interventions, and organizational efforts to identify, respond to and prevent the abuse and neglect of dependent children. Today, there are innumerable local, national and international organizations, professional societies and advocacy groups devoted to preventing and treating child abuse and neglect. Significance of the Study One case related to child abuse and neglect is pedophilia. Pedophilia affects children of a certain sex and within a certain age, usually under the age of 15 or 16 years. Most pedophiles are not violent toward children, instead leading and enticing children to willingly perform sexual acts, although some are violent to the point of rape and murder. In 1974, the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment act was passed which provides federal funding at the state level for prevention and response to child abuse. With this act, many states strengthened their response to child abuse and established child statutes in which parents may be prosecuted for abusing their children. Regardless of the legal response on pedophilia, it is clear that much cases never comes to the attention of the criminal justice system and is, unfortunately, never dealt with. This serious and alerting case should be fully characterized and understood for the good of the concerned children, especially the adolescents. What is Phedophilia? As a medical diagnosis, pedophilia is typically defined as a psychiatric disorder in adults or late adolescents characterized by a primary or exclusive sexual interest in prepubescent children (generally age 13 years or younger). In contemporary Western societies, the subject is highly contentious and fraught with strong feelings. The strength of the feelings is readily explained by concern for the welfare of the children and for their healthy, unimpeded development. The child must be at least five years younger in the case of adolescent pedophiles. However, the term pedophile is often used to refer to any adult who is sexually attracted to males or females below the legal age of consent. While there is considerable psychological and sociological literature about pedophilia, philosophers working on the philosophy of sex have given relatively little attention to the subject. As pedophilia is seen as a paradigmatic case of sexual perversion and is generally viewed with strong moral revulsion, it might have been expected to generate more philosophical interest. Experts believe that most pedophiles are males. Some female adults are sexually attracted to boys or girls, but these children are usually at or beyond the age of puberty. Sometimes, however, females sexually abuse children in concert with males, or they will knowingly allow males to abuse their own children or other children. This is more likely to occur if the women are abusing drugs and/or alcohol. Pedophiles may believe that their behavior is normal and that it helps teach children how to become loving and affectionate. Such individuals avoid such words as pedophilia, preferring to use such terms as adult-child sex. They believe that others who do not understand their behavior are unreasonably rigid. Some organizations of pedophiles claim large memberships and actively support the practice of pedophilia. Pedophiles may fail to consider the short- or long-term consequences of their actions; for example, in one case, a pedophile was told by a child whom he had met on the Internet that her mother was a police officer, yet he molested the girl anyway. Most studies of pedophilia are performed on people in jail or prison, and it is also true that many acts of this are never reported. Ephebophilia: Its Opposite Ephebophilia is a variety of male homosexuality. Ephebophiles are attracted to post-pubertal, sexually mature youths. They are sexually attracted to the fully developed, vigorous maleness of adolescence. In the narrow sense, â€Å"pedophilia† refers only to sexual attraction of adults to pre-pubescent and sex with them. When the term is used in this sense, ephebophilia is not included as one of pedophilia’s varieties, but rather distinguished from it, the end of puberty providing the line of demarcation. Characteristics of Pedophiles Pedophiles are age and sex specific. They will normally prefer children of a certain sex and within a certain age. Child molesters fall into several categories. One is the fixated pedophile who never moves beyond the attraction he or she felt for children when he or she was a child. The regressed pedophile often turns to children in response to stressful life events. Although most pedophiles do not physically harm children, the mysoped makes the ritual connection between fatal sexual violence and personal gratification. The sadistic pedophile abducts children for the purpose of torturing and eventually killing them to achieve sexual gratification. Pedophiles come from a variety of backgrounds. Some are well educated, while others are illiterate. Many were not close to their fathers, and many came from homes where alcohol was a problem for at least one parent (usually the father). Pedophiles often have weak verbal skills, and almost 9 out of 10 felt particularly close to their mothers . The short size of the child provides the pedophile with an opportunity to exert power and authority. At the same time, the sex of the child has little to do with the adult sexual orientation of the molester. For example, a male pedophile may be very interested in sex with boys ages 9 or 10 years old, but at the same time be married and consider himself homosexual. Around 80% have been documented as having a history of childhood sexual abuse. The pedophile is known to the child in 90% of cases, 15% or more are relatives of the victim. Homosexual pedophilia does not differ from heterosexual pedophilia. Research on the victim points out that most are female and the molester is usually known. However; when a male is the victim, the molester may be a stranger. The degree of the pedophilia sexual act can vary ranging from simply observing the child, to touching, undressing, exposing of own genitalia, fondling, and sexual intercourse. II. CAUSES OF PEDOPHILIA The causes of pedophilia that have been researched remain unclear. It has been suggested that the pedophilia represents a regression or fixation at an earlier level of sexual development which resulted in an adult repetitive pattern of inappropriate sexual behavior. Therefore, it is suggested that the pedophile returns to a sexual habit that was developed early in life. It is also theorized that the pedophile is expressing revenge regarding a childhood trauma. It is also said that pedophilia is caused by a pleasurable sexual arousal to conditioned objects. The following are identified as possible causes of pedophilia: 1. Parental punishment of a small boy for sustaining an erection 2. Sexual abuse of a young male 3. Fear of sexual performance or intimacy 4. Psychosexual trauma 5. Socio-cultural and/or psychological factors 6. Excessive alcohol intake Previous studies have shown that same-sex child molester is higher than opposite-sex offenders, with offenders against boys being at a higher risk for delinquency, compared to offenders against boys. The number of prior offenses and the intensity of the fixation on children as sexual objects are factors that predict abuse. Another study was done over 111 child molesters. Child molesters included same-sex, opposite-sex, and mixed groups; all responded to stimuli of specific ages and sexes. Findings showed that the degree of sexual reoccupation with children, paraphilia, and number of prior sexual offences were predictors of sexual delinquency. The causes of pedophilia are unknown, but most scientists believe that conditioning in one form or another is involved. The motivation/ learning model can account for the development of pedophilia and can explain its distribution over the life span. A Person to be Declared as Pedophile The diagnosed criteria for a pedophile are as follows: 1. Over a period of at least 6 months, recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors including sexual activity with a prepubescent child or children (generally age 13 years or younger) 2. The person has acted on these sexual urges, or the sexual urges or fantasies cause marked distress or interpersonal difficulty 3. The person is at least 16 years of age and at least 5 years older than the child or children molested III. EFFECTS OF PEDOPHILIA The effects of pedophilia to an individual, especially to those who are at a young age, include initial fear, anxiety, depression, anger, aggression and sexually inappropriate behavior. Boys have the same patterns of distress as girls, with symptoms such as fears, sleep disturbances, and distractedness; however, boys tend to be less symptomatic than girls. Additional long-term consequences include self-destructive behavior, isolation, low self-esteem, trust issues, substance abuse, and sexual problems. People who have a history of childhood sexual abuse have increased rates of depressive disorders, anxiety disorders, and alcohol and drug abuse. There is often an increase in psychopathology among victims of childhood sexual abuse and this psychopathology is manifested at times in the form of pedophilia or other inappropriate behaviors with young children. Victims of childhood sexual abuse are more likely than nonvictims of that abuse to manifest sexual hyper-arousal and sexually aggre ssive behavior with a tendency to repeat and reenact sexual victimizations as adults. Physical Damage Injury Depending on the age and size of the child, and the degree of force used, pedophilia may cause internal lacerations and bleeding. In severe cases, damage to internal organs may occur, which, in some cases, may cause death. Herman-Giddens found six certain and six probable cases of death due to child sexual abuse in North Carolina between 1985 and 1994. The victims ranged in age from 2 months to 10 years. Causes of death included trauma to the genitalia or rectum and sexual mutilation. Infections Pedophile acts may cause infections and sexually transmitted diseases. Depending on the age of the child, due to a lack of sufficient vaginal fluid, chances of infections are higher. Vaginitis has also been reported. Neurological Damage Research has shown that traumatic stress, including stress caused by sexual abuse, causes notable changes in brain functioning and development. A study was done on women who took SAT and it was found that the self-reported math Scholastic Aptitude Test scores of the sample of women with a history of repeated sexual abuse were significantly lower than the self-reported math SAT scores of the non-abused sample. Because the abused subjects verbal SAT scores were high, it was hypothesized that the low math SAT scores could stem from a defect in hemispheric integration. A strong association between short term memory impairments for all categories tested (verbal, visual, and global) and the duration of the abuse was also found. Psychological Damage Pedophilia can result in both short-term and long-term harm, including psychopathology in later life. Psychological, emotional, physical, and social effects include depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, eating disorders, poor self-esteem, dissociative and anxiety disorders; general psychological distress and disorders such as somatization, neurosis, chronic pain, sexualized behavior, school/learning problems; and behavior problems including substance abuse, self-destructive behavior, animal cruelty, crime in adulthood and the worst, suicide. Long term negative effects on development leading to repeated or additional victimization in adulthood are also associated with child sexual abuse. There are two contrasting adaptive styles in sexual abuse victims. One adaption strategy seeks mastery through active repetition of the trauma, while the other adaption copes by avoiding sexual stimuli. Victims of childhood sexual abuse may exhibit mood disorders including chronic anxiety, depression, delayed post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety attacks, and hysterical symptoms. Victims of sexual abuse may also experience difficulties in intimate relationships and express a sense of alienation, isolation, stigmatization, and a negative self-image. There is a wide variety of psychological conditions that have been documented in sexually abused children, with a higher-than-average tendency toward repetition of either being victimized at the hands of an adult or victimization of children. Arguments that Aroused about Pedophilia In our type of society, pedophile sex is considered both a moral offense and a crime that deserves a truly, serious punishment. There are two further arguments against pedophilia behind both its moral disapprobation and legal prohibition. First, sex with minors is wrong because it is non-consensual; second, it is harmful to those who are concerned. Both of these arguments have been questioned throughout time. Now, let’s look on the way a pedophile is conceived by the public. The pedophile is often visualized as â€Å"a dirty old man†, a stranger to his victims, who forces himself on children and has a matured sexual intercourse, thus putting them through a frightening and painful experience and inflicting serious and long-term damages on them. The drastic effects of the cases explain why pedophiles are usually called child molesters, and why pedophilia seems to be â€Å"the most hated of all the sexual variations†. What is true is that most pedophiles are men but the majority is young or middle-aged. More often than not, they are not strangers; they are likely to be a family, neighbor, or other adults that are known to the victim. The harmful effects of pedophilia on a child’s sexual, emotional and personality development are still a matter of researches and debates; rather than an authorized fact. IV. EXAMPLES OF CASES CONCERNING PEDOPHILIA * A 65-year-old youth minister of the First Baptist Church from Sinton, Texas who admitted to molesting a 6-year-old girl shocked a congregation of followers. The story saw this pedophilic Baptist minister through his 37-year jail sentence. I then hooked my thumbs in her waist, the minister said, and put my hands over her groin area, on the outside of her clothing. The first couple of times, she did not say anything, the minister continued. She was more interested in driving. But the second time, when I told her we needed to go home, and she slid over to the passenger seat, the look on her face killed my soul. I felt great remorse for having taken advantage of this child. * A glam-rocker Gary Glitter was convicted of possessing child pornography, but actual child abuse allegations against him were dismissed because his accuser had sold her story in a newspaper. Glitter seems to be a prime example of the predatory pedophile, continually unrepentant, even after going 27 months of imprisonment in Vietnam for offences against two girls he claimed he was teaching English, after already being permanently barred from Cambodia in 2002 for sex allegations. This case had led for actions to remove passports from sex offenders. * February 11, 2011 Laval police handled one of the biggest cyber pedophile cases. Sandro Tasillo, 26, is linked to internet sex crimes involving 30 young girls. Police say Tasillo would roam for underage victims on Facebook. He would offer girls money to take off their clothes in front of a webcam. But the money was never delivered, and the photos of the girls were often sold to other pedophiles. Tasillo was formally charged at the Laval courthouse. He faces a total of 40 sex charges. Police believe the 30 victims who have come forward are just the tip of the iceberg. Police are asking other potential victims to contact them as soon as possible. The investigation is still ongoing. V. TREATMENT AND PREVENTION OF PEDOPHILIA Treatment for pedophilia emerged as a means to prevent child molestation or as a way to reduce sexual deterioration. That is, pedophilia is treated either when a person wants to remedy his pedophile tendencies, or when a person has committed a sexual offense against a child and his pedophilic interests addressed to reduce sexual deterioration. This combines preference-based treatment with programs designed to manage other criminogenic needs. Treatment would change factors known to be related to sex offending. Improvement of these factors would correlate highly and negatively with recidivism. Progress in treatment technology would be reflected in greater reductions in sexual deterioration over time. Treatment outcome studies using random assignment would show greater effect, and better-implemented programs would be more successful. In the earliest stages of behavior modification therapy, pedophiles may be narrowly viewed as being attracted to inappropriate persons. Such aversive stimuli as electric shocks have been administered to persons undergoing therapy for pedophilia. This approach has not been very successful. Another common form of treatment for pedophilia is psychotherapy, often of many years duration. It does not have a high rate of success in inducing pedophiles to change their behavior. Pedophilia may also be treated with medications. The three classes of medications most often used to treat pedophilia are: female hormones, particularly medroxyprogesterone acetate, or MPA; luteinizing hormone-releasing hormone (LHRH) agonists, which include such drugs as triptorelin, leuprolide acetate, and goserelin acetate; and anti-androgens, which block the uptake and metabolism of testosterone as well as reducing blood levels of this hormone. Most clinical studies of these drugs have been done in Germany, where the legal system has allowed their use in treating repeat sexual offenders since the 1970s. The anti-androgens in particular have been shown to be effective in reducing the rate of recidivism. Making the molester impotent is sometimes offered as a treatment to pedophiles who are repeat offenders or who have pleaded guilty to violent rape. Increasingly, pedophiles are being prosecuted under criminal statutes and being sentenced to prison terms. Imprisonment removes them from society for a period of time but does not usually remove their pedophilic tendencies. Many countries have begun to publish the names of persons being released from prison after serving time for pedophilia. Legal challenges to this practice are pending in various authorities. Some recommendations for the treatment of pedophilia are the following: 1. Risk assessment using a well-supported measure 2. Education of the client, his spouse or partner, family members and close friends 3. Behavioral treatments targeting pedophilic sexual arousal 4. Monitoring of pedophilic clients in terms of access to child pornography, unsupervised contacts with children, and potential disinhibitors such as alcohol or drug use 5. Drug treatments targeting sex drive for higher-risk individuals 6. Cognitive-behavioral and behavioral treatments targeting general risk factors for criminal behavior such as antisocial attitudes and beliefs, association with antisocial peers, and substance abuse Prevention The main method for preventing pedophilia is avoiding situations that may promote pedophilic acts. Children should never be allowed to engage in one-on-one situations with any adult other than their parents or trustworthy family members. Having another youth or adult as an observer provides some security for those who are concerned. Conferences and other activities can be conducted to provide privacy while still within sight of others. Children should be taught to yell or run if they are faced with an uncomfortable situation. They should also be taught that it is acceptable to scream or call for help in such situations. Another basis of preventing pedophilia is education. Children must be taught to avoid situations that make them defenseless to pedophiles. Adults who work with youth must be taught to avoid situations that may promote pedophilia. Many states have adopted legislation that requires background investigations of any adult who works with children. These persons may be paid, such as teachers, or they may be volunteers in a youth-serving organization. VI. CONCLUSION It is very evident that pedophilia is a serious problem of many countries. The alarming rate of pedophile cases must serve as an eye opener to our government, for them to take a serious look and enforce laws that give legal punishment to those who are proven guilty of this crime. Our justice system must be on its track to convict the culprit. Everyone should be responsible in handling this horrible crime. Laws against child abuse and neglect should be strengthened and each one of us should be informed about the terrible effects that this crime would cause. But, let us not only put the pressure to the government in solving this problem. We, in our own families, should be the first to take extra care to our own selves. Our family should be strong and open communication should be observed for the better. Help each other to protect our youth, because; as the saying goes, â€Å"The youth is the hope of our Fatherland.† B I B L I O G R A P H Y American Psychiatric Association. â€Å"Profile of a Pedophile†. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. Arlington, USA: American Psychiatric Publishing, Inc., 2006. Clark, Robin. et al. The Encyclopedia of Child Abuse. New York: Infobase Publishing, 1998. Flisk, Dr. Reverend Louden-Hans. â€Å"Sexual Abuse†. Father, Deliver Us from Evil. USA: By the Author, 2004. Gabbard, Glen. â€Å"Summary and Recommendations on Psychological Treatments†. Gabbard’s Treatments of Psychiatric Disorders. USA: American Psychiatric Publishing, Inc., 2007. Greenberg, Jerrold. et al. â€Å"The Pedophiliac†. Exploring the Dimensions of Human Sexuality. Canada: Jones and Bartlett Publishers, 2011. Laws, D. Richard and O’Donohue, William. â€Å"Pedophilia: Treatment†. Sexual Deviance: Theory, Assessment, and Treatment. USA: The Guilford Press, 2008. Murray, David. â€Å"The Homosexualization of Pedophilia†. Homophobias: Lust and Loathing across Time and Space. USA: Duke University Press, 2009. Primoratz, Igor. â€Å"What’s wrong with Pedophilia?†. Ethics and Sex. London: Routledge, 1999. Soble, Alan. â€Å"Pedophilia†. Sex from Plato to Paglia: A Philosophical Encyclopedia. USA: Greenwood Press, 2006. Vito, Gennaro. et al. â€Å"The Criminal Justice Response†. Criminology: Theory, Research and Policy. Canada: Jones and Bartlett Publishers, Inc., 2007. Internet Sources en.wikipedia.org www.medicinenet.com www.minddisorders.com

Loneliness In Of Mice And Men Essay -- English Literature

Loneliness In Of Mice And Men John Steinbeck’s Of Mice & Men: Loneliness ========================================== Loneliness is a state of being alone in sadness, resulting from being isolated or abandoned. As I understand it, loneliness is when a person has no one to talk to, no one to confide in, nor anyone to keep companionship with. Loneliness also makes a person slip into a desolate state, which they try to conceal under a tough image, and is an emotion even the strongest cannot avoid. In his novel, Of Mice and Men, John Steinbeck deals with loneliness by looking for comfort in a friend, but settling for the attentive ear of a stranger. Although they seem at ease and friendly on the surface, a deep sense of loneliness lingers in the hearts of Crooks, George, and Curley's wife, to which they are desperate to find an escape from to cope with their seclusion from the rest of society. Crooks, a lively, sharp-witted, black stablehand, who takes his name from his crooked back, leads a lonely life. He lives according to the rule that no black man is allowed to enter a white man's home. Crooks’ loneliness is a result of rejection from everyone else on the ranch. He is forced to live alone in a barn, where he lives his life in isolation because of his colour, which was an issue in those days. When Lennie visits him in the room, Crooks' reactions reveal the fact that he is lonely. As a black man with a physical handicap, Crooks is forced to live on the border of ranch life. He is not even allowed to enter the white men's bunkhouse, or join them in a game of cards. His resentment typically comes out through his bitter, sad, and touching vulnerability, as he tells Lennie: â€Å"†¦A guy needs somebody to be nea... ...ch seems to disappear when narrating the story of the farm to Lennie. Curley's wife's loneliness is covered behind the mask of a portrayed prostitute, but the mask falls off during her conversations with strangers, including Lennie. I think John Steinbeck's message about loneliness and people's attempts to overcome loneliness in the novel is to reveal to us the nature of human's true existence. One cannot escape from being lonely, and the characters' attempts to overcome their loneliness is to seek the desire and comfort of a friend, but settle for the attentive ear of a stranger. I feel that Steinbeck is not completely successful in delivering his message across because for a full realization, one has to dig deep into the story, as well as place themselves in the shoes of a character to emphasize with, as well as relate to them and perceive their misery.

Pay Equity In Labor Force Movement Essay

Debates about women’s rights at work and the gendered dimensions of employment inequality were notable and contested features of Canadian political discourse throughout the second half of the twentieth century. Concern about these issues took root during the 1940s, when women experienced dramatic shifts in their employment opportunities as a result of being drawn into and later jettisoned from the reserve army of wartime labor. Pressure to improve women’s employment conditions, particularly in the burgeoning public sector, recurred in the mid-1950s. However, it was in the 1960s, once the second wave of feminism took root in Canada, that women began to develop a sustained critique of the employment inequalities they experienced and pressure their governments to address the problem through policy innovation and change. (Westhues, 45-58) From the outset of second-wave feminism, women advanced analyses of employment inequality that took account of their labor in both the public and domestic spheres. As Brockman noted, activists â€Å"drew attention, as had never been done before, to the fundamental incompatibility between reproductive labor and child care, on the one hand, and paid work on the other, as well as to the profound consequences of this incompatibility. † (Brockman, 78-93) While liberal, radical, and socialist feminists approached this issue from different ideological vantage points, they shared a common belief that the causes of gender inequality in employment were not rooted solely in the workplace. Only, they claimed, if questions about women’s employment in the public sphere were addressed in tandem with questions about their labor in the domestic sphere would the gendered dimensions of employment inequality be fully understood. In particular, feminists thought that women’s maternal work had to be recognized in discussions about promoting gender equality in the workplace. As Westhues, a well-known socialist feminist, once argued, â€Å"As long as women have the primary responsibility for maintenance of the home and for child care, we will be less than able to pursue job opportunities and our domestic commitments will be used to justify discriminatory employment practices. † (Westhues, 45-58) Growing awareness of the need to link questions about production and reproduction in analyses of women’s economic position was by no means unique to Canadian feminism. It was, for example, well established in the early writing of second-wave feminists in Britain and the United States. What did, however, distinguish Canadian feminists from their counterparts in these other liberal democracies was an ability to work together, despite ideological differences, in order to advance this double-edged critique of gender inequality in employment. Right from the start of the contemporary women’s movement, Canadian feminists engaged with the state, demanding policies that recognized the link between women’s employment opportunities and the provision of child care. Canadian feminists lobbied both federal and provincial governments about the need to improve women’s employment opportunities and expand the provision of child care. It was in the federal arena, however, that women (outside Quebec) focused their demands for the development of policies that acknowledged the link between these two issues. In some respects, this federal focus was surprising. After all, only one-tenth of the Canadian labor force is regulated by the federal government, and even at the start of second-wave feminism both federal and provincial governments had been involved in employment opportunity and child care initiatives. Moreover, even though the federal government has the constitutional capacity to use its spending power to underwrite the provision of state-subsidized child care, it is the provinces that retain constitutional control over the delivery of this service. The federal focus of women’s campaigns was encouraged by the fact that the renaissance of Canadian feminism occurred within the context of a broader social project to achieve universal welfare guarantees, assured by the Canadian state. It was reinforced by the government of Canada’s decision to establish the 1967 Royal Commission on the Status of Women (RCSW) to inquire how best the federal government could ensure that women enjoyed â€Å"equal opportunities with men in all aspects of Canadian society. † It has since been sustained by the work of activists in national organizations, in particular the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC), founded in 1972, and the Canadian Day Care Advocacy Association (CDCAA), established in 1982 and renamed the Child Care Advocacy Association of Canada (CCAAC) in 1992. However, despite a long history of feminist engagement with the federal state, women’s repeated campaigns for the development of policies to address the double-edged nature of gender inequality in employment, and the clear recognition of these demands in reports of royal commissions and task forces, the federal policy response has been uneven. Policies to eradicate sex discrimination at work and promote women’s employment opportunities have been developed and implemented in the federal policy sphere. By contrast, the federal government has not developed policies to promote a publicly funded system of child care in order to enhance women’s employment opportunities, save as emergency measures during the Second World War or as an element of broader initiatives to get â€Å"welfare mothers† out to work. Instead it has treated child care as a fiscal issue for which parents can receive subsidies through federal taxation. This paper examines why a double-edged interpretation of women’s employment inequality, which recognizes the public and domestic dimensions of women’s work, has not been fully absorbed into federal policies to promote gender equality in the sphere of employment. The analysis follows the development of debates about women’s rights at work from the period of reconstruction after the Second World War, when questions about eradicating employment discrimination against worker-citizens first emerged in Canadian political debate, through to the close of the twentieth century. It examines federal policy developments under Liberal and Conservative governments, showing that even though the reports of federal royal commissions and task forces encoded feminist demands for a double-edged attack on employment inequality, questions about promoting women’s employment equality and child care were continually driven apart in the federal policy process. Women’s Paid and Caring Work  While this is by no means the first time that scholars have considered the relationship between Canadian women’s work inside and outside the home, it is noticeable how the link between these two aspects of women’s labor was explored by historians and sociologists before being addressed by analysts of public policy. In the late 1970s, members of the Women’s History Collective at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education and the Clio Collective in Montreal pioneered research in Canada on how women’s labor had shifted from the unpaid domestic sphere into the world of paid employment. In the process, they unearthed textual and oral histories that demonstrated how, despite this transition, women still faced the double bind of a double-day in which they went out to work for pay and home to work for love. Their findings were reinforced in late 1970s and 1980s by sociological analyses of women’s work arguing that because women so often entered employment while maintaining primary responsibility for the care of their children, they frequently found themselves concentrated in low-paid, low-status employment. Despite the fact that historians, sociologists, and feminist activists drew attention to the â€Å"double ghetto† of women’s working lives, discussions about policies to promote women’s employment opportunities and improve the provision of child care evolved as distinct scholarly debates. The literature on policies to promote Canadian women’s employment opportunities emerged within the context of broader discussions and debates about the development of policies to root out discrimination in the workplace. By contrast, the literature on Canadian child care policy evolved around questions about the development, cost, and politics of implementing public policies to promote the welfare, education, care, and development of young children. In recent years, however, policy analysts have paid much greater attention to the link between women’s paid and caring work. Jacobs, 120-128) Nonetheless, no one has yet considered why Canadian government policies to promote women’s employment opportunities and improve the provision of child care have been developed at such different rates and, despite repeated calls to the contrary, not linked in the design of public policies to promote gender equality in federally regulated employment. This pattern of inquiry is understandable, given the discrete historical development of policies concerned with child care and those concerned with women’s employment. However, it unduly limits our understanding of the gendered dimensions of employment inequality in Canada and fails to capture the empirical reality of many women’s working lives. Double-Edged Nature of Women’s Employment Inequality Why did women’s double-edged demand for equal employment opportunities and child care emerge in Canada in the 1960s and 1970s? After all, from the mid-1950s Canada experienced one of the fastest rates of labor force feminization in the Western industrialized world. The decline of manufacturing industries and the concomitant growth of the tertiary sector in the 1950s and 1960s meant that while industries that had traditionally attracted men closed down, those demanding support skills that had long characterized women’s traditional domestic roles expanded. Moreover, in countries like Canada, where welfare states were being established, the growth in women’s employment intensified most quickly. The much trumpeted rise in female labor force participation rates did not, however, mean that women engaged in paid employment on the same terms as men. The occupational segregation of Canadian men and women persisted in both horizontal and vertical forms. In fact, this process intensified with the increased participation of women in the paid labor force. As a result, the vast majority of women found themselves working in poorly paid occupations, situated in the lower echelons of private companies and public sector organizations. Moreover, as Jacobs have noted, although the creation of welfare states meant that â€Å"women as a group had more employment opportunities open up for them than men† in the mid-twentieth century, the growth in women’s employment was in the part-time sector of the labor force, which was increasingly dominated by women in all OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries. Jacobs, 120-128) This simply intensified the inequalities of employment opportunity that women experienced because part-time work is concentrated in the least-skilled, lowest-paid, and most poorly organized sections of the labor force, where benefits are usually more limited than in the full-time sector. The rapid growth in women’s participation in part-time rather than fulltime employment reflects two other factors about the feminization of the Canadian labor force. On the one hand, it relates to the type of work that the service sector has generated and to the increasing flexibility demanded of its employees. On the other hand, it reflects the fact that the greatest increase in female labor force participation rates since the 1960s has been among women with young children. In the early 1960s, most female employees in Canada would leave the workforce when their first child was born and return only when their youngest child had entered school. By the mid-1980s most women with young children went out to work. Indeed, as Pendakur have noted, â€Å"By 1991 all traces of the reproduction function had disappeared with female labor force participation rates peaking in the major family-rearing age categories†. The double burden that women experience from juggling their employment while continuing to care for their children has been reinforced by the limited provision of subsidized child care spaces in Canada. In the late 1960s, when women began to pressure the federal government to address the minimal provision of child care for working women, federal subsidies for child care were limited to support for welfare mothers under the 1966 Canada Assistance Plan. This pattern changed very little in the course of the twentieth century, although federal subsidies to support child care for low-income families became increasingly tied to efforts to get mothers receiving welfare out to work. Although recent federal publications on the status of day care in Canada boast â€Å"a twenty-five-fold increase† in child care spaces since the government first gathered these data in 1971, in fact the proportion of children of working mothers who have access to regulated child care remains very low. As a result, most working parents remain highly dependent on informal, unregulated child care. Indeed, as Brockman noted, in the mid-1990s â€Å"children in informal child care arrangements accounted for eighty per cent of all child care used by parents in Canada. † (Brockman, 78-93) The federal state in Canada has addressed questions about promoting equal employment opportunities for men and women in the public sphere with relative ease but has failed to recognize that this project cannot be achieved without addressing the questions of child care that affect so many women’s working lives. While the reasons for this are complex, some insights from feminist theory may help us to begin this exploration. In recent years, a number of feminist theorists have discussed how the concept of worker-citizenship that took root as welfare states were developed in countries such as Canada did not take account of the different contexts in which women and men often assumed employment. (Pendakur, 111-120) As a result, when questions about promoting equal employment opportunities for men and women began to emerge in the 1950s and ’60s, they were framed in terms of women achieving the same opportunities as men. Indeed, Canadian have tried to develop a more nuanced concept of worker citizenship that not only respects the objective of equality of opportunity but also takes workers’ particular circumstances into account and, in the case of women, enables them to integrate their paid and caring work better. In the process, women have argued that a state that upholds the principle of gender equality must develop policies that take account of the interconnectedness of the public and domestic spheres and recognize the different contexts in which men and women often assume employment. Conclusion Nonetheless, although Canadian feminists have a long history of active engagement with the state, developed through a â€Å"visible and articulate women’s movement† that has successfully placed issues on the political agenda, the result, more often than not, has been that their demands have been contained within a limited set of reforms. As a result, those aspects of gender discrimination in the workplace that concern practices within the public sphere have been acknowledged through the introduction of anti-discrimination and employment equity policies. By contrast, women have had more difficulty getting their proposals for policies that transcend the public/ private divide, by linking questions of equal employment opportunity with those of child care, acknowledged in the federal policy arena. Despite their efforts to forge these links through two major royal commissions and other government inquiries, problems of gender inequality in employment are still primarily defined as issues located within the public sphere of employment. Without doubt, over the past thirty years there have been clear improvements in the position of women in the federally regulated section of the Canadian labor force. Nonetheless, women continue to cluster in the lower echelons of companies and organizations and remain under-represented in more senior positions. While this persistent pattern of inequality has many causes, paper shows how it reflects a federal policy process that concentrates on ensuring the comparable treatment of male and female employees once they have entered the labor market, yet, for complex reasons, repeatedly stalls on developing a more expansive approach to child care. As a result, federal policies to promote gender equality in the sphere of employment neglect the inequalities of access and participation that many women experience as they continue or resume employment once they have dependent children.

Financial Crisis Evolution Of Bank Capital - 3146 Words

TABLE OF CONTENT: Introduction 2 Defining Bank Capital 2 Measure of Bank Capital How Capital Absorbs Risk 2-4 †¢ Covers Credit Risk †¢ Prevents Liquidity Problems †¢ Manages Operational Risk †¢ Restricts banks from taking excessive risk Manipulation of Capital Standards 4-7 †¢ Quality of Capital Resources †¢ Internal Rating Based (IRB) approach under Basel-II †¢ Securitization †¢ Credit Derivatives†¦show more content†¦Capital in banks play an essential role of helping banks remain solvent by absorbing losses caused due to stress conditions. In this paper, we shall analyse how capital helps banks manage their risk, what led to banks failing during the financial crisis and what measures have been adopted to avoid (or better manage) such situations in future. DEFINING BANK CAPITAL Banks’ capital is defined to be the difference between the assets and liabilities of a bank. It is the net worth of the bank or its value to investors. It is stated along the liabilities side of the balance sheet. Main characteristics of bank capital †¢ No contractual repayment requirements: Unlike other liabilities, bank capital is perpetual. As long as bank continues to be in business, it is not obliged to repay the shareholders. †¢ Low priority in case of bankruptcy: In case of insolvency or bankruptcy, capital investors only receive what remains after paying all the creditors. Capital generally ranks low in case of claims as compared to most of the other claimants. Constituents of bank capital †¢ Tier 1 Capital also known as core capital includes permanent shareholders’ equity and disclosed reserves. †¢ Tier 2 Capital (supplementary capital) includes undisclosed reserves, revaluation reserves, general provisions, hybrid capital instruments and subordinate term debt subject to certain conditions.